Terrorized, starving and homeless: Myanmar's Rohingya still forgotten
November 26, 2012 -- Updated 1109 GMT (1909 HKT)
Myanmar's minorities fight for survival
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- Rohingya are a stateless Muslim minority living in Myanmar's Rakhine state
- Thousands have been forced to flee the region amid persecution from Buddhist majority
- They are driven to refugee camps where conditions are extremely poor
- U.S. President Barack Obama raised the issue during his recent visit to Myanmar
We called our documentary
"A Forgotten People," and it looked at appalling incidents where
boatloads of refugees fleeing poverty and persecution arrived in
Thailand only to be towed back out to sea and abandoned by the Thai
security forces. Hundreds died or went missing.
Since then, the Rohingya have remained off the political agenda in western countries.
But now that's changing.
U.S. President Barack Obama addressed their plight during his recent
visit to Yangon. The lukewarm response he got in the auditorium was
nothing to the vitriol he got online. Even mentioning the name Rohingya
is controversial for some in Myanmar.
Myanmar's displaced detail violence
Behind the violence in Myanmar
Buddhist vs. Muslim unrest in Myanmar
Obama's historic visit to Myanmar
We have come to Rahkine
to report on the latest threat to the Rohingya. What we have found is
shocking. The Rohingyas are among the most persecuted people on the
planet. In both Myanmar and Bangladesh -- where they have a deep-rooted
heritage dating back to when it was known as East Bengal -- they are not
officially citizens and are denied passports, access to health-care,
education and decent jobs.
Each country claims the
Rohingya is the other's problem. In July this year, the Bangladeshi
government ordered three international aid organizations to stop helping
Rohingya who were crossing the border from Myanmar.
In Myanmar, their
perilous situation has become markedly worse in recent months. Mobs of
Buddhist Rahkine extremists have been torching whole Rohingya villages. Hundreds have died and more than 100,000 people have been forced to flee, according to humanitarian groups.
But there is nowhere for
them to go. So driven by fear many are congregating in huge makeshift
camps on the edge of the Rahkine town of Sittwe.
I was expecting the
camps to be grim -- but I wasn't prepared to see children starving to
death. This isn't journalistic hyperbole. The two western doctors
working unofficially here have watched several children perish before
their eyes -- not from a rare tropical disease or an untreated chronic
condition, but simply from malnutrition.
I find it sickening and
outrageous that this is happening in a land of plentiful food in 2012.
Perhaps I am naïve or too idealistic. I should probably know better, I
should have seen enough of the world's misery and violence to be
unaffected by a wide-eyed kid too fatigued to swat the flies from her
eyes. But this one broke my heart.
She's not alone.
I should have seen enough of the world's misery and violence to be
unaffected by a large eyed kid too fatigued to swat the flies from her
eyes. But this one broke my heart.
Dan Rivers
Dan Rivers
An assessment in August by Refugees International found that "2,000 acutely malnourished children who were at a high risk of mortality."
Thousands of kids like Saulama Hafu are starving to death.
International aid
agencies are beginning to wake up to the scale of the problem. The
United Nations has just launched an appeal for US$41 million. Tents,
wells and latrines have been installed in some of the camps, but
according to Refugees International,
camp facilities are "unacceptable and fall well below international
standards" and "are a direct manifestation of a funding gap." They say
water and sanitation facilities in particular are "wholly inadequate,
resulting in life-threatening illnesses."
Many Rohingya are
surviving on a cup of rice each day and little else. It's not enough for
breast-feeding mothers to sustain their babies. It's not enough for
adults. It's not enough for little Saulama, whose skeletal body is as
light as a doll's. She looks like a famine victim but she is starving to
death in a camp surrounded by paddy fields full of rice. There's a busy
market a couple of miles away, but her mother is effectively imprisoned
here. This is a man-made crisis that could be ended immediately, with
political will.
I asked Saulama's age,
thinking that she looked like a toddler. My own daughter is three and is
considerably larger, so I guess perhaps she was two. I was appalled
when her mother told me Saulama is five-years old. In the west, she'd be
in her first year of school. Here, she could be in the last year of her
life. She's so thin she can barely walk. Her limbs are pitifully
emaciated. After six months in this camp, she looks like she can't go
on.
The doctors have not
been given visas to help here, so they can only get the most basic
supplies. The Myanmar government is reluctant to allow aid workers to
help people who don't officially exist. But the reality is that there
are an estimated one million Rohingya in Western Myanmar and at least a
tenth of them have been driven from their homes.
Yet driving around
Sittwe, away from the camps, you rarely see a Rohingya in the town
center. When we asked a Rohingya driver to bring us back from the camps
to our hotel to sort out a problem with our camera, the hotel manager
was furious. He told us in no uncertain terms not to use a Muslim driver
again and said people had seen the driver come into the hotel and had
complained. It is apartheid of the most extreme form.
Near Sittwe University,
which sits amid several Rohingya villages and camps, RohingyaS on foot,
bicycle or scooter are forced to pull off the road when Buddhist Rakhine
students are leaving classes. Sharing the same stretch of tarmac as a
Rohingya is unacceptable for many Rahkine Buddhists; heaven forbid a
Rohingya should attempt to board the same bus or eat in the same
restaurant.
Violence is something I condemn completely, but don't forget that
violence has been committed by both sides, this is why I prefer not to
take sides.
Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung Mingalar is the
last neighborhood of Rohingya living inside the town of Sittwe; the rest
of population is now under canvas or tarps out in the countryside. This
island of Rohingya houses is now effectively a ghetto surrounded by
barbed wire.
The soldiers that patrol
the area are supposed to protect the Rohingya from further attacks by
hostile locals, but videos taken by Rohingya purportedly showing an
outbreak of violence in Aung Mingalar in June show the troops doing
little to put out fires set in Rohingya homes. The Rohingya fear more
attacks here, but can do little to stop the gangs of extremists who they
say were orchestrated by a local Rahkine nationalist party.
The spokesman for that
party denies involvement, but has open contempt for the Rohingya,
flinching when I even mention the term. He says it's a recently made up
word, and that the Rohingya are simply Bengalis from neighboring
Bangladesh. Ominously he goes further. He doesn't just want to kick all
Rohingya out. He wants all Muslims out of Rakhine state, including
officially recognized ethic groups like the Kaman. The anti-Muslim
sentiment has spread across Myanmar, with protests outside a mosque in
the main city of Yangon.
The International Crisis Group report on the situation is deeply worrying, while Human Rights Watch has also completed some important work, highlighting the atrocities, with satellite photos showing the vast areas of destruction.
What has disappointed
many is that Nobel laureate and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
took a long time to speak out clearly to uphold Rohingya rights and
condemn the extremists. She recently told Indian Broadcaster NTV:
"Violence is something I condemn completely, but don't forget that
violence has been committed by both sides. This is why I prefer not to
take sides and also I want to work towards reconciliation between these
two communities. I'm not going to be able to do that if I'm going to
take sides."
Suu Kyi elaborated
further, saying: "There's a quarrel whether people are true citizens
under the law or whether they have come over as migrants later from
Bangladesh. One of the very interesting and rather disturbing facts of
this whole problem is that most people seem to think as that there was
only one country involved in this border issue. But there are two
countries. There's Bangladesh one side, there's Burma on the other and
the security and the security of the border is surely the responsibility
of both countries."
But in the past she has
referred to Rohingyas with the pejorative term "Bengalis" suggesting
some should not be recognized as citizens in Myanmar.
The whole issue has
tarnished the glow of fast-paced reform in Myanmar. While the rest of
the country is enjoying freedoms not experienced in 60 years of military
dictatorship, in Rahkine State the ethnic cleansing is continuing with
impunity. It demands the attention of the international community, for
the sake of children like Saulama... before it's too late.Copy http://edition.cnn.com
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