November 29, 2012 -- Updated 1437 GMT (2237 HKT)
Marco Rubio says it's important to find out
what went wrong when the U.S. mission in Benghazi was attacked so future
tragedies can be prevented
November 29, 2012 -- Updated 1437 GMT (2237 HKT)
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
- Marco Rubio: Answers from Congress' Benghazi inquiry will help prevent another tragedy
- Rubio: Ambassador Stevens, others warned of deepening security crisis
- Security at the U.S. consulate and the CIA annex was woefully inadequate, he says
- Rubio: It's critical U.S. helps support a secular, pro-American government in Libya
Editor's note: Marco
Rubio represents Florida in the United States Senate. A Republican, he
is a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence.
(CNN) -- Eight weeks after the terrorist attacks on
the U.S. mission in Benghazi, Libya, that killed four Americans, it is
encouraging that Congress is finally serious about examining the events
surrounding that day.
As the chairman of the
House Intelligence Committee, Rep. Mike Rogers, said on "Meet the Press"
recently, this was not an intelligence failure. But failures clearly
happened elsewhere, particularly in the State Department.
State Department documents revealed that slain Ambassador to Libya Chris Stevens
and others had warned several times of "growing problems with security"
and violence in eastern Libya, where Benghazi is located, after the
fall of Moammar Gadhafi and after the Transitional National Council
moved its governing headquarters from Benghazi to Tripoli in September
2011. Stevens' predecessor Ambassador Gene Cretz had also sent cables to
the State Department warning of the deepening security crisis in Libya.
Marco Rubio
Well before the Benghazi
attack, our intelligence agencies, Department of Defense and State
Department cables from the U.S. Embassy in Libya all warned of a growing
security crisis. They said terrorists from across the region, including
al Qaeda elements believed to be associated with al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, were able to travel freely into the country to recruit, organize, plan attacks and procure weapons.
This is not to suggest
these attacks were planned months in advance. We don't know, but we do
know that they were premeditated. We also know that the CIA believed the
Benghazi tragedy on September 11 was the work of terrorists within
hours of the attacks.
Conducting diplomacy on
behalf of the United States is not without risks. U.S. foreign service
officers and members of the diplomatic corps understand this. I think it
is important that the U.S. continue to show the flag in far-flung
corners of the world, some of which may often be dangerous.
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Diplomats like Stevens
thrive on engaging with the local population. That important work must
continue in Libya, Pakistan, Egypt and other countries that pose
difficulties. However, the U.S. government has a responsibility to
ensure that our posts overseas are properly fortified and defended,
based on the security situation on the ground.
We know that the security
at the U.S. mission in Benghazi and the CIA annex was woefully
inadequate. It should have been fortified, and more reliable security
forces were clearly needed to defend those facilities. Immediate access
to heavier weapons may have saved lives.
It is important to
decide which elements of the U.S. national security structure should be
available to support the defense and extraction of U.S. diplomats and
personnel if they come under fire.
The State Department
needs a clear procedure, understood by all, to communicate with the
Department of Defense or the CIA in emergencies. We need to resolve why
the nearest defense rescue team was six hours away and why teams weren't
deployed that might have been able to save the lives of the two
Americans at the CIA annex who died in the early hours of September 12.
Although there are no obvious targets for fighter jets, the mere
presence of an American or allied F-15 nearby could strongly deter
attackers.
Because the uppermost
purpose of any inquiry is to prevent such a tragedy from happening
again, we need to know what measures Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
has taken to ensure that decisions about security and requirements of
U.S. diplomatic missions are given the highest priority.
We understand from
congressional testimony that the deputy assistant secretary for
international programs in the Bureau of Diplomatic Security has broad
authority over the allocation of security resources, with life and death
consequences for our diplomats. Given the vulnerability of
nontraditional posts like Benghazi, we should determine whether
higher-level officials should oversee security issues. If not, we must
be sure that anyone assuming such a position is adequately qualified in
overseas security operations and threat analysis.
We must also ensure that
clear mechanisms are in place to enable a seamless emergency response
among the different agencies that share responsibility. On all these
counts, we have more questions right now than answers.
It is very important to
establish how far the U.S. commitment to Libya extends. While the U.S.
played a role in helping the Libyans overthrow Gadhafi, we need to
assess how this attack affects our plan for a post-Gadhafi Libya.
I believe the U.S. has a
responsibility to help the Libyans develop their defense services
through the expansion of the Defense Department's Section 1206 training
and equipment programs. The U.S. must also support the Libyans in
forging a new constitution that respects the rights of all and begins to
restore governance to their country.
Americans have watched
recent developments in Libya with great sadness and concern. We have a
strong interest in helping a secular, pro-American government that
rejects Islamic extremism take root. Unfortunately, this attack and the
confusion stemming from the administration's response have led some to
conclude that Libya is more trouble than it's worth. But our interests
in Libya are worth pursuing, and getting answers and developing
solutions to prevent future tragedies are critical to our national
interest.
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