The Unresolved Mystery of Syria’s ‘Iraqi’ Chemical Weapons
By HARVEY MORRIS
Thaier Al-Sudani/Reuters
The
Syrian regime has warned it would use chemical weapons to beat back a
foreign intervention. Does its previously unacknowledged arsenal include
Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that might have been sent to Syria by
Saddam Hussein before the U.S. invasion? Read more…
m Europe Comment
Despite the studied ambiguity of statements on Monday by Jihad Makdissi, a Syrian Foreign Ministry spokesman, the underlying message was clear.
As my colleagues Neil MacFarquhar and Eric Schmitt write: “Though it has for many years been an open secret that Syria possessed a large cache of such weapons, the government has traditionally tried to retain some strategic ambiguity to keep its enemies guessing.”
They quote unclassified reports by the Central Intelligence Agency that Syria has amassed huge supplies of mustard gas, sarin nerve agent and cyanide over the past four decades.
That still leaves one intriguing unknown: does the Syrian arsenal include a hoard of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction secretly smuggled out by Saddam Hussein in the days before the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of his country?
There were persistent claims, then and since, that the Iraqis transferred such weapons across the common border with Syria in the run-up to the war.
The existence of undeclared Iraqi W.M.Ds was President George W. Bush’s casus belli in 2003. The failure to find them following the collapse of the Saddam Hussein regime led to the conclusion that the U.S. and its British allies had cherry-picked and massaged intelligence reports of alleged hidden weapons in order to justify the war.
Claims of a secret transfer to Syria of chemical and other weapons have, broadly speaking, been embraced by those who supported the 2003 invasion and dismissed by those who opposed it.
Any discovery of a hidden Iraqi weapons cache that might turn up in a post-Assad Syria would necessarily have a retrospective impact on the history of the 2003 conflict.
James Clapper, the director of U.S. National Intelligence and formerly the director of the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency, in 2003 cited satellite imagery suggesting materials had been moved out of Iraq in the months before the war.
Other more or less credible claims have followed, from international inspectors to Saddam-era dissidents.
My own evidence, for what it is worth, is purely anecdotal. As I drove east from Damascus in mid-March 2003 to cross the border into Iraq, my Iraqi Kurdish companion said he had spoken to Kurdish truck drivers who regularly used the road.
They reported an unusual build-up of traffic out of Iraq in previous days. Closed convoys of unmarked trucks, which other drivers were forbidden from approaching or overtaking, had been streaming across the border into Syria.
My companion was a former Kurdish peshmerga militia leader. A survivor of thallium poisoning by agents of Saddam Hussein, he was returning from Europe in time for the impending war.
What did he make of the truck drivers’ tales? Were the convoys carrying weapons? Who knew? The story died in the general plethora of war preparations.
A post-war report by the Iraq Survey Group concluded that stockpiles of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction were destroyed after the 1991 Gulf War and that by 2003 the Saddam Hussein regime had not fulfilled its eventual intention to resume secret production.
An addendum to the report by its author, Charles Duelfer, the C.I.A’s senior weapons inspector, reached no firm conclusions about whether W.M.D-related material was shipped out of Iraq before the invasion.
“It was unlikely that an official transfer of W.M.D. material from Iraq to Syria took place,” the addendum said. “However, ISG [the Iraq Survey Group] was unable to rule out unofficial movement of limited W.M.D-related materials.”
The debate is likely to rest there until the departure of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. When, or if, he goes, outsiders might at last be able to examine his arsenal and finally resolve a mystery of the 2003 war.
http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com
m Europe Comment
The Unresolved Mystery of Syria’s ‘Iraqi’ Chemical Weapons
By HARVEY MORRIS
Thaier Al-Sudani/Reuters
LONDON — The apparent confirmation by the Syrian regime that it has chemical weapons at its disposal hardly came as a surprise.Despite the studied ambiguity of statements on Monday by Jihad Makdissi, a Syrian Foreign Ministry spokesman, the underlying message was clear.
As my colleagues Neil MacFarquhar and Eric Schmitt write: “Though it has for many years been an open secret that Syria possessed a large cache of such weapons, the government has traditionally tried to retain some strategic ambiguity to keep its enemies guessing.”
They quote unclassified reports by the Central Intelligence Agency that Syria has amassed huge supplies of mustard gas, sarin nerve agent and cyanide over the past four decades.
That still leaves one intriguing unknown: does the Syrian arsenal include a hoard of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction secretly smuggled out by Saddam Hussein in the days before the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of his country?
There were persistent claims, then and since, that the Iraqis transferred such weapons across the common border with Syria in the run-up to the war.
The existence of undeclared Iraqi W.M.Ds was President George W. Bush’s casus belli in 2003. The failure to find them following the collapse of the Saddam Hussein regime led to the conclusion that the U.S. and its British allies had cherry-picked and massaged intelligence reports of alleged hidden weapons in order to justify the war.
Claims of a secret transfer to Syria of chemical and other weapons have, broadly speaking, been embraced by those who supported the 2003 invasion and dismissed by those who opposed it.
Any discovery of a hidden Iraqi weapons cache that might turn up in a post-Assad Syria would necessarily have a retrospective impact on the history of the 2003 conflict.
James Clapper, the director of U.S. National Intelligence and formerly the director of the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency, in 2003 cited satellite imagery suggesting materials had been moved out of Iraq in the months before the war.
Other more or less credible claims have followed, from international inspectors to Saddam-era dissidents.
My own evidence, for what it is worth, is purely anecdotal. As I drove east from Damascus in mid-March 2003 to cross the border into Iraq, my Iraqi Kurdish companion said he had spoken to Kurdish truck drivers who regularly used the road.
They reported an unusual build-up of traffic out of Iraq in previous days. Closed convoys of unmarked trucks, which other drivers were forbidden from approaching or overtaking, had been streaming across the border into Syria.
My companion was a former Kurdish peshmerga militia leader. A survivor of thallium poisoning by agents of Saddam Hussein, he was returning from Europe in time for the impending war.
What did he make of the truck drivers’ tales? Were the convoys carrying weapons? Who knew? The story died in the general plethora of war preparations.
A post-war report by the Iraq Survey Group concluded that stockpiles of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction were destroyed after the 1991 Gulf War and that by 2003 the Saddam Hussein regime had not fulfilled its eventual intention to resume secret production.
An addendum to the report by its author, Charles Duelfer, the C.I.A’s senior weapons inspector, reached no firm conclusions about whether W.M.D-related material was shipped out of Iraq before the invasion.
“It was unlikely that an official transfer of W.M.D. material from Iraq to Syria took place,” the addendum said. “However, ISG [the Iraq Survey Group] was unable to rule out unofficial movement of limited W.M.D-related materials.”
The debate is likely to rest there until the departure of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. When, or if, he goes, outsiders might at last be able to examine his arsenal and finally resolve a mystery of the 2003 war.
http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com
An Inside Look at China’s Most Famous Political Prisoner
By MARK MCDONALD
Kin Cheung/Associated Press
A
friend of the Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo has just published a new
biography of Mr. Liu, China’s most famous political prisoner. Yu Jie
said he has tried to cast Mr. Liu as a profound and important thinker,
as well as a flawed human being. He also has some sharp and dismissive
words for the dissident artist Ai Weiwei. Read more…
Lynsey Addario for The New York Times
Q. and A. With Lydia Polgreen and Reader Reactions on Land Reform in Zimbabwe
By LYDIA POLGREEN
As
I expected, my article on land reform in Zimbabwe prompted a lot of
lively debate. Some readers felt it was a refreshing new take on a news
story that has been out of the headlines. Others felt that the article
argued that the end – land redistribution – justified the means –
violence and terror. Read more…
Bulgaria and Romania Test How Serious the E.U. Is About Corruption
By JUDY DEMPSEY
The
argument for allowing Romania and Bulgaria to join the E.U. in 2007 was
that it would encourage reforms. But that has not been the case. Now
the European Commission must act. Read more…
Who Will Be the Next Technology Genius?
By JOYCE LAU
The
IHT Education section looks at the alternatives to traditional
university education for students with a techie bent. Why wait till
you’re 22 to make your first million? Read more…
U.S. Presidents With Business Acumen? Name One
By ALBERT R. HUNT
Mitt
Romney, who presents his business background as his chief credential to
be president, doesn’t cite any models for a good reason: There aren’t
any. Read more…
COPY .nytimes.com
COPY .nytimes.com
Nenhum comentário:
Postar um comentário