VERGONHA! Não
me conformo, Vice Temer, Cunha entre outros políticos, envolvidos com
ficha suja, segundo apurações. Triste situação e pior a possibilidade
tudo ficar do mesmo jeito no Brasil.
Precisamos ir às urnas para Presidente Já!
Sem esperança, o povo brasileiro não merece sofrer, nós que somos
os patrões dos corruptos, pagamos tributos, merecemos devidos respeito.
Golpe brasileiro é submetido a mais um vexame internacional; até
mesmo a ultraconservadora revista inglesa The Economist, frequentemente
citada pela mídia nacional, tirou sarro do impeachment aprovado na
Câmara dos Deputados no último domingo; capa da revista que circula
neste 21 de abril, data de Tiradentes, o herói traído na Inconfidência
Mineira, fala justamente da traição do Brasil; revista diz ainda que os
delitos fiscais atribuídos à presidente Dilma Rousseff são muito menores
do que os de seus algozes e afirma que o vice-presidente Michel Temer
dificilmente será percebido como alguém com legitimidade para governar o
País; imprensa brasileira condena por tentar dizer na ONU o que o mundo
inteiro já comenta: ela foi vítima de um golpe
21 de Abril de 2016 às 18:58
247 – Depois de
contribuir ativamente para a concretização de um golpe parlamentar no
Brasil, a imprensa nacional agora se dedica agora a uma nova missão:
impedir que a presidente Dilma Rousseff denuncie na Organização das
Nações Unidas o vergonhoso processo de impeachment ocorrido no Brasil. Foi o que fez, por exemplo, a Folha
de S. Paulo, em editorial publicado nesta quinta-feira, ao dizer que a
presidente Dilma Rousseff ultrapassaria todos os limites se denunciasse
ao mundo o golpe de que está sendo vítima. O Globo, por sua vez,
considerou "bolivariana" a tese de que houve um golpe no Brasil. No entanto, a missão da imprensa
brasileira é mais uma vez inglória. Isso porque praticamente todos os
veículos de comunicação que têm peso na formação da opinião pública
global, como New York Times, Guardian, Der Spiegel, CNN e Le Monde,
entre muitos outros, têm batido na mesma tecla: houve um golpe no
Brasil. Ou seja: não faz o menor sentido
tentar impedir que Dilma diga na ONU o que já vem sendo repetido nos
quatro cantos do mundo. Nesta quinta-feira, até mesmo a
ultraconservadora revista inglesa The Economist, frequentemente citada
pela mídia nacional, tirou sarro do impeachment aprovado na Câmara dos
Deputados no último domingo. A capa da revista que circula neste
21 de abril, data de Tiradentes, o herói traído na Inconfidência
Mineira, fala justamente da traição do Brasil. A revista diz ainda que os delitos
fiscais atribuídos à presidente Dilma Rousseff são muito menores do que
os de seus algozes e afirma que o vice-presidente Michel Temer
dificilmente será percebido como alguém com legitimidade para governar o
País. Leia, abaixo, a íntegra da reportagem, em inglês:
The great betrayal
BRAZIL’S Congress has
witnessed some bizarre scenes in its time. In 1963 a senator aimed a gun
at his arch-enemy and killed another senator by mistake. In 1998 a
crucial government bill failed when a congressman pushed the wrong
button on his electronic voting device. But the spectacle in the lower
house on April 17th surely counts among the oddest. One by one, 511
deputies filed towards a crowded microphone and, in ten-second bursts
broadcast to a rapt nation, voted on the impeachment of the president,
Dilma Rousseff. Some were draped in Brazilian flags. One launched a
confetti rocket. Many gushed dedications to their home towns, religions,
pet causes—and even Brazil’s insurance brokers. The motion to forward
charges against Ms Rousseff to the Senate for trial passed by 367 votes
to 137, with seven abstentions.
The vote comes at a
desperate time. Brazil is struggling with its worst recession since the
1930s. GDP is expected to shrink by 9% from the second quarter of 2014,
when the recession started, to the end of this year. Inflation and the
unemployment rate are both around 10%.
The failure is not only
of Ms Rousseff’s making. The entire political class has let the country
down through a mix of negligence and corruption. Brazil’s leaders will
not win back the respect of its citizens or overcome the economy’s
problems unless there is a thorough clean-up.
Ditching Dilma
Sunday’s vote was not the
end of Ms Rousseff, but her departure cannot now be far off. Brazil
ought not to mourn her. Incompetence in her first term in office, from
2011 to 2014, has made the country’s economic plight incomparably worse.
Her Workers’ Party (PT) is a prime mover behind a gargantuan bribery
scheme centred on Petrobras, the state-controlled oil company, which
channelled money from contractors to politicians and parties. Although
Ms Rousseff has not been personally implicated in the wrongdoing, she
tried to shield her predecessor as president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva,
from prosecution.
What is alarming is that
those who are working for her removal are in many ways worse. If the
Senate votes to put her on trial, probably by mid-May, Ms Rousseff will
have to step aside for up to 180 days. The vice-president, Michel Temer,
who comes from a different party, will take over and serve out her term
if the Senate removes her from office (see article).
Mr Temer may provide short-term economic relief. Unlike the hapless Ms
Rousseff, he knows how to get things done in Brasília and his Party of
the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB) is friendlier to business than
the PT.
But the PMDB is
hopelessly compromised, too. One of its leaders is the speaker of the
lower house, Eduardo Cunha, who presided over Sunday’s six-hour
impeachment spectacle and has himself been charged by the supreme court
with taking bribes through the Petrobras scheme. In announcing their
“no” votes, some of Ms Rousseff’s allies denounced Mr Cunha as a
“gangster” and a “thief”.
The taint of corruption
is spread across many Brazilian parties. Of the 21 deputies under
investigation in the Petrobras affair, 16 voted for Ms Rousseff’s
impeachment. About 60% of congressmen face accusations of criminal
wrongdoing.
There are no quick ways
of putting this right. The roots of Brazil’s political dysfunction go
back to the slave-based economy of the 19th century, to dictatorship in
the 20th and to a flawed electoral system that both makes campaigns
ruinously expensive and also shields politicians from account.
In the short run,
impeachment will not fix this. The charge that is the basis for trying
Ms Rousseff—that she manipulated accounts last year to make the fiscal
deficit look smaller than it was—is so minor that just a handful of
congressmen bothered to mention it in their ten-second tirades. If Ms
Rousseff is ousted on a technicality, Mr Temer will struggle to be seen
as a legitimate president by the large minority of Brazilians who still
back Ms Rousseff.
In any other country,
such a cocktail of economic decline and political conflict might be
combustible. Yet Brazil has remarkable reserves of tolerance. Divided as
they are over the rights and wrongs of impeachment, Brazilians have
kept their anger in check. The past three decades suggest that theirs is
a country which can endure a crisis without resorting to coups or
collapses. And here, perhaps, is a shred of hope.
The fact that the
Petrobras scandal has ensnared some of the country’s most powerful
politicians and businessmen is a sign that some institutions, especially
those that enforce the law, are maturing. One reason politicians are in
such trouble is that a new, better-educated and more assertive middle
class refused to put up with their impunity. Some of the statutes now
being used to put away miscreants were enacted by Ms Rousseff’s
government.
One way of capturing this
spirit would be for the country to hold fresh elections. A new
president might have a mandate to embark on reforms that have eluded
governments for decades. Voters also deserve a chance to rid themselves
of the entire corruption-infested Congress. Only new leaders and new
legislators can undertake the fundamental reforms that Brazil needs, in
particular an overhaul of the corruption-prone political system and of
uncontrolled public spending, which pushes up debt and hobbles growth.
Second best
True enough, the path to
renewal through the ballot box is strewn with obstacles. Given its
record, Congress is unlikely to pass the constitutional amendment
required to dissolve itself and hold an early general election. The
electoral tribunal could order a new presidential ballot, on the ground
that Petrobras bribe money helped finance the re-election of Ms Rousseff
and Mr Temer in 2014. But that is far from certain.
There is thus a good
chance that Brazil will be condemned to muddle on under the current
ge neration of discredited leaders. Its voters should not forget this
moment. Because, in the end, they will have a chance to go to the
polls—and they should use it to vote for something better.
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